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yaledailynews.com - Mann speaks on foreign policy

yaledailynews.com - Mann speaks on foreign policy: "Mann speaks on foreign policy

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When President Bush took office in 2000 with relatively little foreign policy experience, he made it clear that he would appoint seasoned political veterans as advisors. And so, four years later, on the brink of an election concerned heavily with international issues, Bush's inner circle has garnered much attention.

Bush's top advisors have been strong proponents of military force, due largely to their experience during the Cold War, journalist James Mann said at a Morse College Master's Tea Thursday. Mann, who is also a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, has spent the last few years researching Bush's foreign policy team for his new book, "Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush's War Cabinet."

Mann studied six of Bush's top advisors -- Vice President Dick Cheney, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of State Colin Powell, National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage -- and said their aggressive policies are a product of their times.

"Their generation is a bridge between the last years of the Cold War and Sept. 11," Mann said. "There will be subsequent teams, they may be doves or hawks, but they won't have come out of the Cold War like these guys did."

Mann compared Bush's advisors to leaders of the post-World War II generation, who spent a lot of time building institutions such as the World Bank and the United Nations. In contrast, Mann said, the Bush administration's emphasis is on military power.

He said the administration's gradual shift from a broad war on terrorism to an invasion of Iraq was carefully presented as a sequence of related strategies.

"About six weeks after Sept. 11, they started to talk about the problem of terrorists obtaining nuclear weapons," Mann said. "Four to six weeks later it became, 'What if a country gives them nukes?' Then you had the Axis of Evil speech. The shifts were so subtle that people didn't really notice."

The future of American foreign policy will depend largely on the results of the presidential election less than two weeks away, an election which Mann said makes him apprehensive.

"This country has got to find a way of getting through Election Day and its aftermath," Mann said. "I'd say there's one chance in three that we won't know the week after the election who won. Will there be seven or eight Floridas? Seven or eight court cases? That to me is a fairly scary proposition."

After starting his journalism career at a few small newspapers, Mann became a reporter at The Washington Post and later The Los Angeles Times. He covered the Supreme Court for several years, and then accepted a job as a Beijing-based correspondent for the Times. He spent 15 years writing about Chinese affairs before switching his focus to the Bush administration's foreign policy.

When Mann reported from China in the 1980s during a period of reform, he still experienced censorship from the government, he said.

"The security involvement was much more distant and benign than it had been in the past, but it was there," Mann said.

The tea drew about 40 students, professors and area residents, many of whom asked questions about Bush's advisors, China and the upcoming election.

"I think the most interesting thing was his knowledge on so many different levels -- his experiences in China, as well as dealing with the Bush administration," said Nirupam Sinha '05, president of the Yale College Democrats. "It was nice to hear a whole different set of perspectives.""

Melvin Dubee: The Intelligence CommunitySenate Quest for 'Parity' Turns Partisan (washingtonpost.com)

Senate Quest for 'Parity' Turns Partisan (washingtonpost.com): "Back Channels : The Intelligence Community
Senate Quest for 'Parity' Turns Partisan

By Vernon Loeb
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, February 6, 2001; Page A15

With Senate power sharing in force, Sens. Richard C. Shelby (R-Ala.) and Bob Graham (D-Fla.) are nonetheless struggling over how to organize the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.

While the committee has a long history of at least nominal bipartisanship going all the way back to its formation in 1976, Chairman Shelby and Vice Chairman Graham are trying to define what bipartisanship means when each party has eight members on the panel.

Graham is looking for parity, wanting his own counsel and four additional staffers so that both parties have the same representation on a staff that now numbers about 30.

Shelby favors the status quo from last session, in which each party has only two designated staff members -- majority and minority staff directors and their deputies -- and everyone else works as part of a nominally bipartisan staff, including a general counsel appointed by Shelby.

One casualty of the impasse is Melvin Dubee, a counternarcotics specialist who had been serving as the Democrats' deputy staff director. Because Graham has placed Bob Filippone from his office staff in the position, Dubee was let go, in the absence of any agreement that might have provided him another slot on the staff.

Shelby's bottom line: If Graham wants to alter the committee's traditional bipartisan structure, he can go to the Senate floor and get 51 votes for a new organizational resolution. Graham's response: He isn't after partisanship, only parity."

The New York Times > Washington > Paul Nitze, Cold War Strategist, Dies at 97

The New York Times > Washington > Paul Nitze, Cold War Strategist, Dies at 97: "Paul Nitze, Cold War Strategist, Dies at 97

Published: October 20, 2004
Robert F. Bukaty/Associated Press
Paul H. Nitze's long career in government began in 1940 with a telegram from a White House official that said, "Be in Washington Monday, Forrestal." He stayed there until the end.

Paul H. Nitze, an expert on military power and strategic arms whose roles as negotiator, diplomat and Washington insider spanned the era from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan and helped shape America's cold war relationship with the Soviet Union, died Tuesday night at his home in Washington. He was 97.

The cause was pneumonia, his wife, Elisabeth Scott Porter, said.

From the beginning of the nuclear age, whether in government or out, Mr. Nitze urged successive American presidents to take measures against what he saw as the Soviet drive to overwhelm the United States through the force of arms. Yet he may be best remembered for his conciliatory role in efforts to achieve two major arms agreements with the Soviet Union.

In one, he was successful in negotiating an agreement that would eliminate intermediate-range missiles from Europe. In the other, he hoped to cap his long career with a so-called "grand compromise" in 1988 that would have severely circumscribed work on President Reagan's cherished Strategic Defense Initiative in exchange for deep cuts in the nuclear arsenals of both superpowers. His efforts foundered when the negotiators ran out of time as the Reagan administration came to an end.

In a now legendary moment of the cold war, Mr. Nitze undertook a bold, but unsuccessful personal effort to achieve an earlier arms agreement with the Russians. In 1982, acting on his own and superseding his instructions, Mr. Nitze took a walk with his Soviet counterpart in the Jura Mountains, where he tried to strike a bargain on a package dealing with intermediate-range missiles in Europe.

In that episode, which became known as the "walk in the woods," Mr. Nitze tried to cut through the bureaucratic tangle but was thwarted when both Moscow and Washington repudiated the agreement.

Mr. Nitze refused an appointment in the first Bush administration as ambassador-at-large emeritus saying that such a post would leave him with no clear responsibilities. He retired to an office at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of the Johns Hopkins University — a school that was named for him in 1989 — where he continued to write articles in a continuing attempt to influence policy.

With that, his long career in government came to an end, a career that began in 1940 with a telegram that said, "Be in Washington Monday, Forrestal." The summons from James V. Forrestal, then a special assistant at the White House, lured Mr. Nitze from the lucrative confines of Wall Street to the first of many assignments in government that involved him in the supply of the Allies for the war effort, a survey of the impact of the bombing in Europe and in Japan after the atomic raids on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the feeding of the hungry of war-ravaged Europe, the creation of the Marshall Plan and crises in Iran and Berlin.

In the aftermath of World War II, Mr. Nitze became part of that remarkable group of public servants — George F. Kennan, Charles E. Bohlen, Robert A. Lovett, John J. McCloy — that coalesced around Dean Acheson to develop foreign political and military policy as the United States took its place as a major world power.

He was a senior State Department official, and later a secretary of the Navy and deputy secretary of defense. By the time he became one of the chief negotiators on strategic weapons, Mr. Nitze had accumulated more experience in the field of national security affairs than anyone of his time, to the point that his critics began to think he believed he had a monopoly on understanding the political uses of nuclear weapons.

Ever since 1950, when as head of the policy planning staff of the State Department he was principal author of a study on the Soviet threat, Mr. Nitze took a dark view of Soviet intentions, seeing in the Kremlin a drive for world hegemony.

That study — known as N.S.C.-68 — which conceived of deterrence in military rather than diplomatic terms — warned against sole reliance on the nuclear deterrent and urged a buildup of conventional forces. Its precepts became a cornerstone of American policy. In succeeding years, when the American nuclear monopoly was broken, Mr. Nitze warned regularly that the Soviet Union was trying to achieve preponderant nuclear strength as a tool of blackmail, or, in the worst case, to win an all-out war.

Later, when Mr. Nitze took his walk in the woods near Geneva to work out an arms deal, he confounded his critics, who considered him too hard-line because of his pessimistic views of the Russians."

HoustonChronicle.com - Cold War icon Paul Nitze dies

HoustonChronicle.com - Cold War icon Paul Nitze dies: "Cold War icon Paul Nitze dies
Conservative Democrat helped shape strategies for 8 presidents
Associated Press

WASHINGTON - Paul H. Nitze, who pursued a hard-line approach toward the Kremlin as he helped shape U.S. diplomatic and military strategy during the Cold War, is dead at 97.

His son, William A. Nitze, said he died Tuesday night at his home in the Georgetown area of Washington. A funeral will be held Saturday at Washington National Cathedral.

Nitze's long career, which began with success on Wall Street as a young investment banker and included government service under eight presidents, was capped last April in Bath, Maine, as he witnessed the christening of a warship bearing his name.

Seated in a wheelchair, the former Navy secretary smiled broadly as his wife, Leezee Porter, swung a champagne bottle against the destroyer's bow. A band then broke into Anchors Aweigh and red, white and blue streamers and confetti shot into the air.

President Reagan awarded Nitze the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian honor, in 1985.

A self-described "hard-nosed pragmatist," Nitze as director of the State Department's policy planning staff in 1950 helped frame the strategy of building up U.S. forces to keep the Soviets contained in Eastern Europe.

He wrote in a 1950 national security paper that the Soviets were "animated by a new, fanatic faith, antithetical to our own, which seeks to impose its absolute authority over the rest of the world."

"I didn't think we should go to war with the Soviets and I don't think they wanted to go to war with us," Nitze said three decades later. "But how do you conduct things so that the Soviets would be deterred from foreign expansion and be forced to look inward at their own problems?"

The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in Washington was founded in 1943 by Nitze and the late former Secretary of State Christian Herter.

Nitze could not attend the school's annual banquet last week, at which Secretary of State Colin Powell spoke in tribute to his long government service.

"He is an icon to those of us who are in the State Department," Powell said.

Recalling their time working together in the Reagan administration, when Powell was national security adviser, Powell said sitting with Nitze "was like having Moses at the table."

In 1957, Nitze conceived the idea of attaching a "think tank" to the school, which is now called the Johns Hopkins Foreign Policy Institute. Three years later he helped the university raise $4.2 million for the SAIS building near Dupont Circle, which was named for Nitze and his first wife, Phyllis Pratt Nitze, in 1986.

Then, two years later, he offered to match any amount raised by SAIS to expand the school. The goal was reached in 1989, doubling the school's space with another building.

Nitze, a conservative Democrat, was a natural fit for Reagan's Republican administration that began in 1981 because they both opposed President Jimmy Carter's 1979 Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty with the Soviet Union.

Along with a few other prominent conservative Democrats, organized as the Committee on the Present Danger, they contended the treaty could not be verified and would enable the Soviets to strengthen their nuclear arsenal. Carter withdrew the SALT II treaty when the Soviets invaded Afghanistan in 1979.

The hard-line Democrats, convinced their party had drifted leftward, swung to support Reagan, himself a former Democrat.

Nitze took charge of negotiating reductions in intermediate range missiles with the Soviet Union in 1981 for Reagan, who had changed direction to support arms control accords.

The negotiations were marked by a July 1982 "walk in the woods" near Geneva, Switzerland, with the Soviet negotiator, Yuli Kvitsinsky, that produced a compromise breakthrough, but the treaty was not concluded at the time.

Strobe Talbott, president of the Brookings Institution and author of a 1988 biography of Nitze, called him "an extraordinary and influential figure over a long period of time.""

SAIS Founder and Arms Control Expert Paul H. Nitze Dead at 97

Media Advisory: "SAIS Founder and Arms Control Expert Paul H. Nitze Dead at 97

Washington, D.C., October 20, 2004 - Paul H. Nitze, adviser to several presidents and leading strategist and arms control expert died yesterday evening. Nitze, 97, founded the School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) in 1943 along with Christian Herter and other leading statesmen.

In 1989 the school, which became a division of The Johns Hopkins University in 1950, was renamed in his honor to recognize his distinguished private and public career and exceptional service to SAIS and the university for five decades.

"SAIS has suffered a profound loss with the death of Paul Nitze," said SAIS Dean Jessica P. Einhorn. "In founding this school with Christian Herter, he implemented a special vision. Paul knew that in the wake of World War II, the country would need future leaders and diplomats who understood international relations not just from an American viewpoint but also from a worldwide context. His legacy will live on through the more than 11,000 graduates of the school who are a testament to his wisdom and his foresight."

JHU President William Brody said, "The entire nation owes a debt of gratitude to Paul Nitze, but we at Johns Hopkins are particularly saddened by his death. As co-founder of SAIS more than 60 years ago, he demonstrated in a private undertaking the wisdom and vision that was so much a part of his public life. The university relied over the years on his leadership and advice, and we are very much the better for it."

After graduation from Harvard University and a decade as an investment banker at Dillon, Read & Company and P.H. Nitze & Company, Nitze joined the U.S. government in 1940 and advised every president from Franklin Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan, with the exception of Jimmy Carter. In 1950, while at the State Department, Nitze was responsible for the formulation of NSC 68-the document which provided the framework for the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. He also served as director of the Department of State Policy Planning Staff, secretary of the Navy, deputy secretary of Defense, and member of the U.S. delegation to the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks from 1969 to 1974. In 1962, he was a member of the top officials who met daily with President Kennedy to advise him during the Cuban Missile Crisis.

As head of the U.S. negotiating team at the Arms Control Talks in Geneva (1981-1984), Nitze took his now famous "walk in the woods" with Soviet negotiator Yuli Kvitsinsky in an effort to break the deadlock between the super powers on Euromissiles. From 1984 to 1989, he was ambassador-at-large and special adviser to the president and secretary of State on arms control matters, playing a crucial role in negotiating the Immediate-Range Nuclear Force (INF) and strategic arms treaties.

Nitze’s public life was chronicled in several books including Strobe Talbott’s 1988 The Master of the Game and David Callahan’s 1990 book Dangerous Capabilities: Paul Nitze and the Cold War. Nitze published his memoirs, From Hiroshima to Glasnost: At the Center of Decision, in 1989. In 1985, President Reagan awarded Nitze the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian honor in the United States. On January 10, 2001, the U.S. Navy named the 44th ship of the Arleigh Burke class of guided missile destroyers in honor of Nitze. The USS NITZE, currently under construction, is scheduled to be commissioned in March 2005.

Nitze’s devotion to the nation was only rivaled by his commitment to SAIS. In launching the school in 1943, he and Christian Herter convinced business friends to fund the fledgling institution. Eleven years later, while working and teaching at SAIS, he succeeded Herter as chairman as the SAIS Advisory Council, a position that only he or Herter held until 1981.

In 1957, Nitze conceived the idea of a SAIS-related think tank-now the Johns Hopkins Foreign Policy Institute-to involve the school more directly in the discussion of U.S. foreign policy issues. Three years later he was instrumental in helping then JHU President Milton Eisenhower raise $4.2 million for the SAIS building at 1740 Massachusetts Avenue in Northwest Washington, D.C. The building was named for Nitze and his wife, the late Phyllis Pratt Nitze, in 1986. In 1980, he helped establish the security studies program at the Foreign Policy Institute and co-taught a course on security issues there.

When SAIS had outgrown its one building in 1988, Nitze offered to match any amount raised by SAIS up to $5 million to expand the school. The challenge was successfully met in 1989, doubling the school’s physical plant with the addition of the Rome Building at 1619 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W.

Nitze retired from the U.S. government in 1989 and spent his remaining years at SAIS teaching, writing and pursuing his lifetime interest in strategic and national security studies.

He is survived by his wife, Leezee Porter, four children, Heidi, Peter, William, and Phyllis Anina, from his previous marriage to the late Phyllis Pratt Nitze, and 11 grandchildren and seven great-grandchildren.

Located on Embassy Row in Washington, D.C., SAIS is a graduate professional school of international affairs educating men and women for careers in government, business, journalism and non-profit organizations.


Paul Nitze - The Washington Times: Editorials/OP-ED - October 22, 2004

Paul Nitze - The Washington Times: Editorials/OP-ED - October 22, 2004: "Paul Nitze

The roles are reversed these days, but half a century ago, at the Cold War's outset, Democrats were foreign-policy hawks and Republicans were the party of isolation. Paul Nitze was a key Democratic architect of that bygone era. He served under eight presidents from Roosevelt to Reagan, and was a walking history of the Cold War. He died Tuesday in Georgetown at age 97.
His life reminds us what it meant to be a Cold War Democrat and committed anti-Communist at a time when those designations meant something. More than anyone, Mr. Nitze invented the policy of containment. He came to view the Soviet Union as a grave threat in an era when the nature of the Soviet regime was still unclear to most Americans. As the author of "NSC-68," often called a blueprint for the Cold War, Mr. Nitze emphasized values as much as armaments in describing the Soviet threat. "Our values, our policy and actions must be such as to foster a fundamental change in the nature of the Soviet system," he wrote.

Though prone to feuds, Mr. Nitze was no fierce partisan. He trained his eye on American national interests alone. "He always seemed too conservative for the liberal administrations and too liberal for the conservative ones," his New York Times obituary claimed yesterday. That's only half right. The dovish left wing of the Democratic Party shunned him, but conservative Democrats and liberal or moderate Republicans did not. Mr. Nitze's bipartisan sensibility was probably what kept him out of the cabinet (He rose only as high as deputy defense secretary, a position his protege, Paul Wolfowitz, currently occupies).
He described himself as "an assertive, hard-nosed pragmatist," an apt designation. He always looked for what worked. After World War II, he distinguished himself by demonstrating to onlookers in government the futility of the Allied bombing campaign against European cities. Later, he played a key role in creating the SALT I arms limitation treaty, only to turn against the second round of SALT negotiations under Jimmy Carter when it became clear that these, like the Allied bombings, were futile. He helped found the Committee on the Present Danger, the group that spearheaded the effort to thwart Mr. Carter's ill-advised moves. It succeeded.
As a model for public servants, Mr. Nitze was about the best there is. His independence of mind and creativity were the stuff of legend, and should be the envy of any federal agency-manager. It's worth noting these qualities at times served to keep him out of government. More than once he nullified his prospects for a high-powered job over a matter of principle, or turned one down outright for the same reasons.
Paul Nitze's legacy is nothing short of towering in the annals of American foreign policy and government. The country mourns his loss."